Prime Minister Modi's outreach to pasmanda Muslims: A strategic pause?

The invention of "pasmanda Muslims plus Hindutva" also serves to confuse and destabilise an Opposition still trapped in its old political rhetoric

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's call to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to address the problems of pasmanda or backward Muslims during its national executive meeting in Hyderabad has sent political analysts scrambling. Some think this was prompted by the party's unexpected victory in Azamgarh and Rampur by-elections in Uttar Pradesh. Others suggest he has his eye on Telangana, where assembly elections are due next year, and a conciliatory signal might go down well with its 13 per cent Muslim population. Muslim voters play a decisive role in 40 per cent of Telangana's total 119 assembly constituencies.

 

These explanations are somewhat obvious. After all, for a party of upper-castes, the BJP has shown remarkable skill in social engineering. Given its wooing of the OBCs (Other Backward Classes) and their accommodation in the party and legislatures, would anyone recognise it as the party that once opposed OBC reservations recommended by the Mandal Commission? It may have done precious little for Dalits, but the appointment of Ramnath Kovind, a Dalit, as the president of India sent a token signal to the community. It might have let one of the greatest Adivasi activists of our times, Father Stan Swamy, die in prison. Still, its nomination of Droupadi Murmu, a Santhal woman, as its presidential candidate is a reconciliatory gesture to the tribal community. The BJP's political strategy is agile and dynamic.

 

However, the call for pasmanda Muslims is hard to put down to the party's adeptness at social engineering. It is unlikely that Modi's gesture will prompt Muslims to vote for the party when communal polarisation is at its peak in the country. Moreover, it comes in the wake of contrived controversies over Hijab and mosques using loudspeakers to call for prayer, the judicial opening up of the Gyanvapi Mosque-Kashi Vishwanath Temple controversy, arrests of human rights activist Teesta Setalvad working with the minority community on the 2002 Gujarat riots and of "Muslim" fact-checker and founder of Alt News, Mohammed Zubair, for drawing attention to hate-speech by Hindutva activists.

 

It is likely that the conciliatory gesture, which seems to distance the prime minister and Hindutva's foot-soldiers, is merely a  pause in the onward march of Hindutva. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat followed the same template by chiding his followers for searching for a shivling under every mosque. It signalled a pause to Hindutva activists energised by the public revival of the Gyanvapi mosque-Vishwanath temple controversy.

 

By asking, "Why escalate quarrels?" the RSS chief did not deny the existence of "quarrels" but rather suggested they be left alone for the time being and that both sides "follow the decisions of the judicial system by considering it sacred." The statement projects him as moderate, rational and reasonable in contrast to Hindutva leaders who did not give a fig for the judicial system in the period leading up to the demolition of the Babri Masjid.

 

Similarly, the prime minister's pointed mention of pasmanda Muslims allows him to appropriate the language of social justice and promote his image as a champion of the poor across religions. Just as bringing a law to ban triple-talaq could project his government as the champion of oppressed Muslim women.  Nevertheless, it is not a stepping back from the BJP's majoritarian ideology.

 

What strategic purpose does it serve?  One could argue that this is for international audiences. Various government policies and the ferocity of Hindutva activists have once again harmed the prime minister's international image, which he takes seriously. 

 

Still, this is a partial explanation.  Perhaps the meaning of the prime minister's statement should be understood in the context of the uncontrolled momentum Hindutva forces have acquired in the last six months in India. This is evident in the incendiary calls given at religious Hindu congregations and in the crude statements of  BJP spokesperson Nupur Sharma. In the broad spectrum of the Hindutva campaign, not every event can be controlled, and these statements were clearly unplanned.

 

The fact is that the Hindutva activists feel empowered like never before. Relying solely on inherited beliefs, a faith-based ideology in ascendence has empowered even lumpen elements to speak and act against social and legal constraints -- in the name of protecting their religion and way of life. Many delusional and vicious elements have begun to see themselves as community leaders. They feel safe in their socially malevolent behaviour because they expect those in power to see them as furthering their ideological agenda.

 

Bhagwat's reproach or talk of pasmanda Muslim welfare by the prime minister sends a warning signal to Hindutva's foot soldiers. It hopes to put a brake on their momentum. This is not a rejection of their activities but an attempt to control Hindutva and bring autonomous Hindutva forces within the control of the institutionalised ones.

 

The halt is only a strategic necessity to consolidate, regroup and redeploy forces. Bringing rampant and autonomous elements inside the tent after they have had an unbridled run is not an easy task. This has been amply demonstrated in the difficult "taming" of autonomous Hindu leaders like Yogi Adityanath of the Gorakhnath Math in Uttar Pradesh. Previous leaders of the Math were all autonomous and political mavericks. Adityanath, a five-time MP and twice MLA from the BJP, still retains his militia, the Hindu Yuva Vahini. Its backing helps him get his way with the party during elections. The Hindutva leadership of the BJP-RSS must be wary of yet another mahant, mahamandleshwar, priest or autonomous wannabe Hindutva leader from developing political ambitions outside the fold.

 

Lastly, while the BJP will continue pursuing its hardcore Hindutva agenda, the invention of "pasmanda Muslims plus Hindutva" has also served to confuse and destabilise an Opposition still trapped in its old political rhetoric.