A closer look at the composition of the panel would show that it is quite well-represented by different interest groups, stakeholders, subject specialists, economists, agricultural scientists, government officials, and, most importantly, farmers’ leaders belonging to different political parties and non-political farm bodies. The only valid grouse the SKM has is that while persons from Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, Karnataka, and Sikkim have found place in the committee, those from the main agricultural states that contribute to grain procurement — Punjab, Haryana, and Madhya Pradesh — have been kept out.
An important fact that the SKM seems to be disregarding is that it no longer enjoys the same clout that it once had as a massive conglomerate of over 300 farmers’ groups representing different political hues and interest groups. Fissures had, in fact, started appearing in this organisation during the protracted agitation itself, with many unions opting out because of their diverse political alignments. Some of the factions, especially those from Punjab and western Uttar Pradesh with political ambitions, parted ways with the SKM and formed new organisations. One of the prominent sections of farmers from Punjab formed a political party and fought the recent elections though none of its candidates won the polls and, more notably, most of them lost their deposits. Even the original Punjab wing of the SKM, which used to be the biggest in terms of manpower and resources, has now split into numerous fragments. Similarly, the Bharatiya Kisan Union (BKU), led by Rakesh Tikait, who emerged as the most prominent farm leader during the Delhi stir, is also now a divided house, with one section calling itself as BKU (Apolitical). Nevertheless, the ball is now in the court of the SKM, or whatever is left of it, to re-establish itself as a true mouthpiece of the farmers and name the persons to represent it on the MSP committee. Otherwise, its voice would remain unheard, which should, indeed, not be the case.